To conclude, it is evident that the results of the Egyptian revolution of 2011 are mostly negative.Instability within the country is growing each day, terrorists are becoming more active, a realpartisan war is actually taking place in Sinai. At the same time, the social problems that led to theoverthrow of a previous regime only worsened due to the uncertainty and recession in the economy.
The Arab Spring is a wave of protests and uprisings which took place in the Arab world in early2011. More precisely, the January 25 Revolution (as part of the Arab Spring) in Egypt is a series ofstreet demonstrations and protests in Cairo, Alexandria and some other cities, which led to, firstly,the resignation of the government, and then to the abdication of the president Hosni Mubarak, whowas in power since 1981 (Zayan, 2011). Almost a decade has passed since its beginning, but theeffects and results of the revolution are still debatable. Despite the fact that the Arab Spring gave animpetus to the era of the Reformation in Egypt, for the very country of the pyramids, theconsequences of the revolution turned out to be very ambiguous, both politically and socio-economically.
In my essay I would like to prove that the revolution was not actually beneficial, assome people may argue, but rather premature and harmful. I consider my topic as relevant andsignificant due to the importance of the processes taking place in Egypt and their influence on thecourse of the world history.For this essay I am applying a method that can be broadly described as logical induction. Inparticular, I will endeavour to create a consistent chain of arguments which are related andinterdependent. Moreover, the facts from the contemporary world and historical evidence are goingto be used for the sake of empiricism.Employing a reductionistic approach, I am going to describe and investigate the phenomena ofthis particular revolution in terms of other fundamental appearances, mainly a political one and asocio-economic one. These days, the political situation in the country remains tense and highlyunstable. In the first place, it is worth mentioning that the level of the terrorist threat in Egypt nowis the highest in the last fifteen years.
As a result of the removal of President M. Mursi from power,the country was on the verge of civil war. The "Muslim Brotherhood" standing behind Mursi hadgreat views on power, especially since at first they were the most organized political force in Egyptand felt the support of Qatar, Turkey and even the US. Now, the "Muslim Brotherhood" has againfound itself in the underground, and at least some of them support the idea of armed struggle(Surkov, 2016). The recent terrorist attack on November 24 in Sinai confirms that the threat ofviolence after the revolution has not disappeared, but only increased.
Moreover, the tension inEgypt also escalates due to president Sisi's increasingly authoritarian regime. Since he came topower, Cairo has prohibited anti-government revolts, tormented arrestees and even suppressedfreedom of expression. In this regard, his politics seems to resemble the West's treatment ofextremism – imprison, bombard, fire or murder its supporters, and look for their beliefs andprinciples to be annihilated or defaced in the process. Yet the brutality only exacerbates.
Thejihadists from all over the country have become even more impudent and hostile in victimizing thelocal citizens (Wright, 2017). In addition, it has to be stressed that the instability in Egypt has thedamaging implications for all its neighbours as well as the whole region. For instance, Israel hasbeen struggling to cope with the migrants from Sinai, while Libya is still trying to recover from thepolitical chaos of 2014.Nowadays, it can be seen clearly that the growth rate of Egyptian economy has significantlydecreased after the revolution. Firstly, unemployment among the young people in Egypt, who havebeen the terrorists' ground soldiers, is now roughly above thirty per cent. According to Adel AbdelGhafar (2017), it is essentially an infernal machine. Furthermore, in the upcoming years, Egypt willrequire significant external financing, both for the implementation of new projects, and for budgetsupport.
IMF experts noted that the lack of foreign currency, the reserves of which, whilemaintaining the current volume of imports, will be enough only for a short period of time. What ismore, there is a currency black market. Thus, the government has to spend reserves to maintain therate of the currency. On top of that, there is an outflow of dollars from the country, so the localcompanies can not afford to buy the raw materials and necessary equipment. By the same token,most of the economists affirm that the government urgently requires a loan to guarantee that thepoorest citizens of country can afford to buy food. It is believed, on the whole, that almost 27 percent of individuals in Egypt live below the poverty line (Michaelson, 2017).To conclude, I would like to claim that this essay contains fairly well-built reasons to view theresults of the Egyptian revolution of 2011 as negative.
Instability within the country is growing eachday, terrorists are becoming more active, a real partisan war is actually taking place in Sinai. At thesame time, the social problems that led to the overthrow of a previous regime only worsened due tothe uncertainty and recession in the economy. The restorers of the Mubarak's regime limitedthemselves to cosmetic repair of the frontage, and the chance of correcting mistakes was missed. Inthis regard, I would suggest that we should expect a new round of the social tensions in 5-10 years,most likely followed by a new revolution.
However, this revolution will not be directed against aspecific ruler, but against the military dictatorship altogether. Finally, I admit that there exist somelimitations to my reasons, especially with the events in contemporary society changing so rapidly.In addition, individuals that favour emergentism/holism may argue and assert that such acomplicated phenomena as revolution can not be explained by the sum of its parts. Hence, I fullyrecognize the restrictions of my study and will eagerly engage in the further research.