As we concluded above , identity is not just a concept but rather a process. A process which depend on globalisation, multiculturalism and integration. European identity is very complicated concept,however, when it comes to practice it becomes even more complex, as the word “European” used to be associated with peace, understanding and common values.But, unfortunately, identity faces list of obstacles on the way to a better development or creation of collective identity.Those challenges composed of :Cultural factorsPolitical factorsEconomic factors Raise of Multiculturalism CULTURAL FACTORSThe best example in this case are Poland and Hungary, which present moral challenges for EU values/identity.And it is creating tension between Poland, Hungary and EU.The biggest voice in the European Union is Germany and it criticies Poland’s policies, particularly Poland’s policy on migration and Muslims from the Middle East.Dr.George Friedman in his book Flashpoints: The Emerging Crisis in Europe(2015). Discusses this issue and claims that Poland present moral challenges to the EU identity. To begin with this, EU has the view of liberal democracy , and as we discussed above culture plays a key role. European Union expects all members to follow that , but Hungarians and Poles in particular have exercised somewhat but different view. And that view revolves this principle .The fundamental principle of liberal democracy is not ought to be national self-determination if you do not have that no other right is meaningful. Poles view is that their governments were elected by very large majority and therefore they are going to make the decisions about the future of their country. One of the major issue is an insistence by the Europeans, that all the member states have to accept Muslim immigrants. Poles have rejected it. Their claim is that they have the right to determinate who emigrated to their country. Poles believe that Muslims immigrants who come to their country simply do not fit into Polish society. They have a vision of what Poland should be like, its historical vision and they do not want to transform it. The EU ,as we know, has a very different view, which is that national identity is something which can be a potential problem , especially if you have too strong national identity. I am an Erasmus student and my home university located in Poland,Wroclaw. Today , being in Germany , I do see a big difference between this two societies. Integration supposed to eradicate nationalism – clearly in Poland it hasn’t. National identity among Poles is very strong. Also very important to mention that Catholic Church still plays a prominent role in public life in Poland today. Obviously, the EU is a completely secular organisation in terms how it looks at the world.POLITICAL FACTORSAs a political factor I want to discuss raise of eurosceptic political parties. Over past couple of years, many EU countries have seen a rise in support for populist, nationalist political parties. So called “eurosceptic” because many have been worrying that a large part of national sovereignty has been relinquished to Brussels.This phenomenon is not new, however,the recent support for eurosceptic parties began in response to economic stagnation,eurozone crisis and refugee crisis. Rising fear of refugee and migrant flows appear to be driving issues for eurosceptic and populist parties. Populist and eurosceptic parties, however, are not monolithic. Most are on the far right of the political spectrum, but a few are on the left or far left. The degree of euroscepticism also varies widely among them, and they hold a range of views on the future of the EU. Countries as Austria, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland, Spain, Sweden, and the UK are already have successful populist, and to at least some extent, eurosceptic parties.Since 2014 a range of eurosceptic parties succeeded on European Parliament elections by winning up to 25% of the 751 seats.Also lets not forget about national and local elections where some eurosceptic parties have made a significant gains.For example, in Finland, a moderate eurosceptic party is part of the coalition government, while in Denmark, a minority government relies on a eurosceptic party to provide parliamentary support. In Poland, a nationalist party with a relatively eurosceptic approach won a majority in parliamentary elections in October 2015 and now leads the government.Eurosceptic parties pose a great challenges to the generally pro-European establishment .Moreover, if eurosceptic parties gain enough support to enter or even lead their national governments, they could potentially stop or reverse at least some aspects of European integration. For example , presidential elections in France in April/May, and leader of far-right anti-EU National party Le Pen. In the Netherlands, far-right Freedom Party is could become one of the largest parties in the Dutch parliament. In Germany, right-wing Alternative for Germany (AfD). Such parties present a large obstacles on the way to a collective European identity. ECONOMIC FACTORSSome scholars argue that Europe is going through an identity crisis, which finds its roots in the economic crisis and whose implications could challenge further steps towards integration. I will simply review the recent contributions to this debate based on words of Neil Fligstein ,who is an American sociologist, and a professor at the University of California, Berkeley, known for his work in economic sociology, political sociology and organizational theory.Fligstein basically points out that until the financial crisis, European identities were stable, but the financial crisis shifted the sense that people in Europe are in this together. He argues that the reason why the sense of being European has decreased so much is linked to the “ugly” politics of the crisis, where there has been little or no sense of solidarity.Citizens in the north cannot be faulted for not wanting to pay for the economic errors or misdeeds of the south: since the vast majority of them already view themselves as mostly having a national identity, they do not have a sense that they “owe” those in the south anything in the name of a shared European identity.